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4.6 Applying the ¡®imperial sword¡¯ and seizing the opportunities1
Interviewer:
Virtually all China¡¯s universities have been involved in the overall restructuring and administrative reform. Some have been merged despite the fact that they were around for decades. Some have been renamed after they were merged. Progress, however, has largely been smooth. How do you feel about orchestrating such massive reform?

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Li Lanqing:
 The smooth progress of reform can be attributed to the following factors.2
 First, we have organized studies of government policies to clarify the situation and reach a consensus on what we wanted to accomplish.3 Deng Xiaoping had put forward many scientific viewpoints on education reform. During a meeting with leaders of the four Jiaotong universities (Beijing, Shanghai, Southwest and Xi¡¯an)4, Jiang Zemin said, ¡°In our work on education we must tackle two major issues.5 One is that education must meet the demand of the modernization drive for qualified professionals at all levels and of all types; the other is that managerial quality and efficiency has to be raised across the board in school administration. These two issues may be seen as the two major changes essential to China¡¯s work on education.¡±6
 To effect the ¡°two major changes¡± in higher education, which is pivotal to education as a whole, reform of the administrative system has to be deepened.7 A series of principles and policies on education reform are featured in the Program for China¡¯s Education Reform and Development issued by the central government, the reports to the 14th and 15th National Congresses of CPC, and the reports on government work delivered by the premiers of the two successive central governments to the National People¡¯s Congress. The NPC and its Standing Committee have passed several laws on education. We have organized careful studies of all these principles, policies, documents and laws for the single purpose of reaching a consensus among leaders at all levels.8 I likened these principles, policies, documents and laws to the ¡°imperial sword¡± ¨C symbols of supreme authority.9 We need the ¡°imperial sword¡± to focus our minds and actions. The situation cries for higher education reform. At a time when the socialist modernization drive is going strong, with the socialist market economy here to stay, and science and technology progressing apace, higher education has to be transformed ¨C both to meet the demands of socioeconomic development and to shoulder the great historical mission of rejuvenating China.10 Once the situation and tasks come into focus, reaching a consensus becomes simple.

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    Second, we must look forward, waste absolutely no time on unnecessary arguing and hype, and work more in a down-to-earth way.11 In the beginning, some people had suggested criticizing the drawbacks in higher education prior to reform.12 I said no and persuaded them to look at things from the perspective of historical materialism, otherwise we could never find the criteria for telling right from wrong.13 A major reason why the Communist Party of China is a mature party is because we are good at applying dialectical materialism and historical materialism when handling the relationship between inheriting and developing. All achievements, no matter how big, have historical limits, and the ¡°I told you so¡± attitude gets us nowhere.14 Today, everyone is saying the reform is correct and rather farsighted. However, many years in the future, if people use their contemporary standards to judge the reform of today, they may see it as some sort of unfathomable ¡°antique¡±. But can you negate the reform and its results today because of that? Therefore, unnecessary arguments can do nothing for the progress of reform but hinder it.15 We can only proceed from reality, carry out reform to redress existing problems, and do what we can under the circumstances.16

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