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Louis Dreyfus, a French commodities giant, bought Santelisa Vale, a large processor of sugar cane, in April. Santelisa had expanded fast and taken on too much debt, a common mistake in an industry that had the highest levels of investment of any industry in Brazil before the crunch. Dreyfus, which already trades sugar, soya beans and other Brazilian agricultural goods, wanted to bolster its position. At the other end of the spectrum is Copersucar, a giant cooperative that unites lots of small growers in Sao Paulo state.

The biggest of the lot is Cosan, which alone produces 2.5% of the world’s sugar. Last year it bought Exon Mobil’s distribution and retailing business in Brazil to help it sell its ethanol. This year it bought Nova America, a smaller sugar company. Like many of Brazil’s big companies Cosan mixes family ownership with capital from BNDES, Brazil’s government-owned development bank. And like many other Brazilian giants, it has suffered a vicious feud within the founding family over who should run the business.

Rubens Ometto Silveira Mello fought the other members of his family for ten years in Brazil’s courts before winning control of Cosan. In 2007 he strengthened his grip by setting up Cosan Limited, a company with a dual share structure that accords some of Mr Mello’s shares ten times the voting weight of ordinary ones. To do this, he listed Cosan Limited on the New York Stock Exchange, since Brazil’s Novo Mercado, where Cosan was listed at the time, does not allow such arrangements.

Mr Mello, who is splendidly forthright, did not let the subsequent controversy bother him overly. “You’re pissing on sludge and you don’t know what’s under your feet,” he once told Dilma Rousseff, one of the front-runners for next year’s presidential election, during a discussion of the government’s energy policy. Marcos Lutz, an executive at Cosan, argues that the fuss about corporate governance is a distraction. The firm is professionally managed, he insists, and it was no surprise to shareholders that Mr Mello wanted to preserve an outsize say in the firm’s strategy.

The market for ethanol has been growing at 17% a year, much faster than that for sugar, points out Luiz Pereira de Araújo of ETH Bioenergia, another fast-growing sugar firm. Such growth is likely to persist, thanks to increased sales of flex-fuel cars, which can run on petrol or ethanol. What is more, the Brazilian sugar-cane growers’ association is optimistic that Europe and America will eventually reduce tariffs on Brazilian ethanol. If that happens, Brazil’s growers, crushers and distillers will be even happier than they are already.

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1. The main reason for the boom of sugar futures in Brazil is ______.

A) India’s withdrawal from the market

B) the credit crunch

C) the irregular global distribution of rain

D) the industrial consolidation

2. Which of the following is NOT a similarity between Cosan and other companies?

A) state-owned

B) family conflict

C) initially private ownership

D) including state capital

3. The word “feud” (Line 5, Paragraph 3) in the article most probably means ______.

A) relationship

B) fault

C) circle

D) hostility

4. Which of the following problems may exert the most negative influence on Cosan?

A) The dual share structure is not permitted by Brazil’s Novo Mercado.

B) The fight for an absolute control of the company.

C) The switch to ethanol falls short of strategic foresight.

D) The controversy concerning Cosan Limited’s listing in New York Stock Exchange.

5. Toward the prospect of Brazil’s sugar industry in the foreseeable future, the writer’s attitude can be said to be ______.

A) indifferent

B) doubtful

C) objective

D) optimistic





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futures /ˈfjuːtʃə(r)z/ n. ÆÚ»õ

spike /spaɪk/ n. £¨¼Û¸ñ¡¢ÒôÁ¿µÈ£©Í»È»ì­Éý£¬¼¤Ôö£¬ÃÍÕÇ

crunch /krʌntʃ/ n. ²ÆÕþÀ§ÄÑ£¬»õ±Ò½ôȱ£¬ÐÅ´ûÑÏÖØ²»×ã

bolster /ˈbəʊlstə/ v. Ö§³Å£¬¼Ó¹Ì

spectrum /ˈspektrəm/ n. ·¶Î§£¬·ù¶È

ethanol /ˈeθənɒl/ n. ÒÒ´¼

forthright /fɔːθˈraɪt/ adj. Ö±Âʵģ»Ö±½ØÁ˵±µÄ

fuss /fʌs/ n. ÒìÒ飬±§Ô¹

outsize /ˈaʊtsaɪz/ adj. ½Ï´óµÄ£¬³¬³öÒ»°ãµÄ





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In 2007 he strengthened his grip by setting up Cosan Limited, a company with a dual share structure that accords some of Mr Mello’s shares ten times the voting weight of ordinary ones.

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Unit 4


Most economists hate gold. Not, you understand, that they would turn up their noses at a bar or two. But they find the reverence in which many hold the metal almost irrational. That it was used as money for millennia is irrelevant: it isn’t any more. Modern money takes the form of paper or, more often, electronic data. To economists, gold is now just another commodity.

So why is its price soaring? Over the past week, this has topped $450 a troy ounce, up by 9% since the beginning of the year and 77% since April 2001. Ah, comes the reply, gold transactions are denominated in dollars, and the rise in the price simply reflects the dollar’s fall in terms of other currencies, especially the euro, against which it hit a new low this week. Expressed in euros, the gold price has moved much less. However, there is no iron link, as it were, between the value of the dollar and the value of gold. A rising price of gold, like that of anything else, can reflect an increase in demand as well as a depreciation of its unit of account.

This is where gold bulls come in. The fall in the dollar is important, but mainly because as a store of value the dollar stinks. With a few longish rallies, the greenback has been on a downward trend since it came off the gold standard in 1971. Now it is suffering one of its sharper declines. At the margin, extra demand has come from those who think dollars—indeed any money backed by nothing more than promises to keep inflation low—a decidedly risky investment, mainly because America, with the world’s reserve currency, has been able to create and borrow so many of them. The least painful way of repaying those dollars is to make them worth less.

The striking exception to this extra demand comes from central banks, which would like to sell some of the gold they already have. As a legacy of the days when their currencies were backed by the metal, central banks still hold one-fifth of the world’s gold. Last month the Bank of France said it would sell 500 tonnes in coming years. But big sales by central banks can cause the price to plunge—as when the Bank of England sold 395 tonnes between 1999 and 2002. The result was an agreement between central banks to co-ordinate and limit future sales.

If the price of gold marches higher, this agreement will presumably be ripped up, although a dollar crisis might make central banks think twice about switching into paper money. Will the overhang of central-bank gold drag the price down again? Not necessarily. As James Grant, gold bug and publisher of Grant’s Interest Rate Observer, a newsletter, points out, in recent years the huge glut of government debt has not stopped a sharp rise in its price.

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1. In economists’ eyes, gold is something ______.

A) they look down upon

B) that can be exchanged in the market

C) worth people’s reverence

D) that should be replaced by other forms of money

2. According to the author, one of the reasons for the rising of gold price is ______.

A) the increasing demand for gold

B) the depreciation of the euro

C) the link between the dollar and gold

D) the increment of the value of the dollar

3. We can infer from the third Paragraph that ______.

A) the decline of the dollar is inevitable

B) America benefits from the depreciation of the dollar

C) the depreciation of the dollar is good news to other currencies

D) investment in the dollar yields more returns than that in gold

4. The phrase “ripped up” (Line 1, Paragraph 5) most probably means ______.

A) strengthened

B) broadened

C) renegotiated

D) torn up

5. According to the passage, the rise of gold price ______.

A) will not last long

B) will attract some central banks to sell gold

C) will impel central banks to switch into paper money

D) will lead to a dollar crisis





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reverence /ˈrevərəns/ n. ³ç¾´£¬×ð¾´

millennia /mɪˈlenɪə/ n. £¨millenniumµÄ¸´Êý£©Ò»Ç§Äê

soaring /ˈsɔːrɪŋ/ adj. ¾çÔöµÄ£¬ÃÍÔöµÄ

troy ounce ½ðºâÖÆ

denominate /dɪˈnɒmɪneɪt/ v. ÒÔ…ÃæÖµ·¢ÐУ¬ÒÔijÖÖ¸ø¶¨µÄ»õ±Òµ¥Î»·¢Ðлò±í´ï

euro /ˈjʊərəʊ/ n. Å·Ôª

depreciation /dɪˌpriːʃiˈeɪʃn/ n. µø¼Û£»±áÖµ

bull /bʊl/ n. Âò¿Õ£»£¨×ö£©¶àÍ·

stink /stɪŋk/ v. ·¢³ö³ôζ

longish /ˈlɒŋɪʃ/ adj. Ï൱³¤µÄ

rally /ˈræli/ n. £¨ÐÐÇé¡¢¼Û¸ñµÈ£©µøºó¸´Éý

greenback /ˈ¨Àrɪːnbæk/ n. ÃÀ³®

tonne /tʌn/ n. ¹«¶Ö£¨=1,000¹«½ï»ò³Æ metric ton£©

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